The Lahu Democratic Union and the New Mon State Party then joined the ceasefire[8] and signed the agreement on February 13, 2018. [9] [11] [11] [12] Armed conflicts in Myanmar act as a vicious circle and are characterized by militarization, radical ethnic ideology and deep resentment towards the central government of Myanmar and the tatmadaw. Sub-national conflicts support ethnic rivalry and competition for economic and political resources and compete for territorial control between NGOs and Tatmadaw. While the resolution of some of these problems by the NCA is expected, the process could yield negative results to the country`s policy if different ethnic groups are not effectively integrated. However, the stakes are high, given the increase in private, public and international interests in Myanmar politics. Therefore, the failure of the agreement to achieve constructive results could have an impact on political relations between Myanmar and the rest of the world. As countries with a history of civil wars, the experience of conflict-ridred communities is essential to understanding and developing methods of conflict resolution and transformation. For example, forms of conflict in sub-national regions of Myanmar range from heavy artillery to small arms and light weapons (ALPC). In many communities, some rural bandits have access to small arms in armed robberies and deadly fighting with armed mobile tatmadaws in rural areas.

In addition, some women and young people are expected to participate in ethnic armies (although some have denounced their participation). It is therefore important to include the contributions of these stakeholders if the NCA is to achieve the overall goal of conflict resolution. These armed experiences at the microprudent level in rural communities would be a concern of the ACA agreement if appropriate consultations were conducted with rural communities. Inadequate consultations with the local population make an elite agreement, limiting the chances of sustainable implementation or prevention of new forms of rebellion. Although some NGOs have signed the agreement, some provisions of the agreement do not recognize the concern of some dissenting voices in many ethnic areas, particularly in rural communities. While NCAAs provide mechanisms for consultation and dialogue within rural communities, the development of these provisions and the implementation of consultation mechanisms are from start to down. Compared to the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) of Colombia, which outlines some of the concerns of “unarmed” local/rural populations, such as women, youth and other identity groups, myanmar`s NCA provisions have been defined and enforced by the central government (particularly Tatmadaw). Some of the provisions of the ANCA reveal Tatmadaw`s tacit strategy of remaining in civil affairs, being protected from prosecution for various violations of ethnic minorities and other civilian populations, and consolidating their presence as a viable player in Myanmar`s political institutions. In addition, the NCA represents the interests of certain ethnic elites and neglects the experience of the rural population, which has been affected by the direct violence of ESAs and Tatmadaws during the many years of escalating conflict. Conflicts in Myanmar`s ethnic areas are the work of several armed actors, the Tatmadaw and the EAOs. This is why a sufficient solution to the underlying causes of ethnic dysfunction will determine any lasting progress towards democracy. Therefore, agreements to lead the country towards peace should take into account the concerns of all actors who resort to violence.

Sub-national conflicts in Myanmar affect more than a third of the country`s 330 townships.


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